Around the turn of this century, the discipline of physics found itself in a precarious position. It
seemed to be very near the completion of its project of cataloguing and explaining the physical
phenomena of the universe in a way that rendered them predictable; only a few anomalous mysteries
remained to be explained. This was not only a time of triumph, however, but also a time of great
anxiety; the story is often told of the physics professor who told his students not to pursue graduate
studies in physics since there would soon be no more "work" to be done in the field. Fortunately for
those who pursued their studies anyway, these few remaining problems proved to be significant
enough
to require a fundamental recasting of the basic epistemological assumptions of physics. This recasting
resulted in ideas of irresolvable indeterminacy and paradox, globality in locality, and the dissolution
of
the distinction between observer and observed, all of which are fundamental principles of the theories
referred to by the shorthand terms "theory of relativity" and "theory of quantum mechanics" and
hereafter referred to as simply "modern physics." This paper will consider the impact on the rest of
the
century of these principles; the consideration will be divided into three sections, which address
respectively the cultural implications, the theoretical implications, and the cultural implications of the
theoretical implications.
I. Physics as Cultural Practice
The Consequences of Modernity (1990), a transcript of lectures given by Cambridge
sociologist Anthony Giddens, succinctly outlines Giddens's understanding of the conditions of
existence
referred to by the term "modernity." In addition to this outline, Giddens makes two arguments. The
first is against the idea that we are living in a time of post-modernity: "Rather than entering a period
of
post-modernity, we are moving into one in which the consequences of modernity are becoming more
radicalised and universalised than before" (3). The second is a reaction to and a reversal of the
privileging of natural science over social science: "Modernity is itself deeply and intrinsically
sociological" (43). The first point will not be contested here; the second, however, is flawed not in its
positive assertion of the reflexive relation between modern sociology and modernity, but in its
negation
of the existence of similar relations involving modern physics. This section will begin by rereading
Giddens's outline of modernity with an emphasis on the indebtedness of some of his concepts to
modern
physics, and then will extend his reflexive relation of modernity to the natural sciences by way of
other
theorists of modernity. In this way I will argue that modern science is both typical and foundational
in
the development of the conditions and assumptions of "modernity."
Temporally and geographically, Giddens situates modernity as "modes of social life or
organisation
which emerged in Europe from about the seventeenth century onwards and which subsequently
became
more or less worldwide in their influence" (1). Narratively, he locates it by "deconstructing social
evolutionism" (5) in favor of a discontinuist story line. Structurally, he describes modernity as
"multidimensional on the level of institutions" (12). All three acts of location suggest the influence of
modern science, developed in Europe, radically discontinuist from classical (Newtonian) physics, and
originary of terms like "multidimensional." As I will show, this influence is explicitly manifested in
the
key processes of modernity as Giddens sees them: those of time-space distanciation and of
disembedding.
These two characteristic processes are related in their connecting of presence and absence.
Giddens
writes, "The problem of order [created by social systems] is here seen as one of time-space
distanciation - the conditions under which time and space are organised so as to connect presence
and absence" (14). The result of this distanciation, Giddens writes, is that "in conditions of
modernity,
place becomes increasingly phantasmagoric: that is to say, locales are thoroughly penetrated
by
and shaped in terms of social influences quite distant from them" (19). This linking of presence and
absence, in which what is present is determined by what is absent and as a consequence is locally
indeterminable (and so in practice undetermined), directly parallels one aspect of the idea of
"globality
in locality" found in quantum mechanics, in which local conditions are determined by global wave
functions. The other aspect of this idea, in which an infinite (though not equally probable) range of
possibilities turns each locality into a globality of potentiality, is partially paralleled in Giddens's
disembedding: "by disembedding I mean the 'lifting out' of social relations from local contexts of
interaction and their restructuring across indefinite spans of time-space" (21). One example of a
disembedded system is that of modern money economies, in which "money does not relate to time (or,
more accurately, time-space) as a flow, but precisely as a means of bracketing time-space by coupling
instantaneity and deferral, presence and absence" (25). These two related processes describe the
collapse of the categories of presence and absence as a characteristic condition of modernity, but (as
will become more clear in the second section) this collapse is a fundamental premise of
modern
physics.
Nevertheless, carried to excess in his desire to legitimate the social sciences, Giddens describes
sociology as having a uniquely complicated relation to modernity. This complexity arises from a
reflexive relation between the study and the subject of study that Giddens describes as a double
hermeneutic (15). He writes, "Sociological knowledge spirals in and out of the universe of social
life, reconstructing both itself and that universe as an integral part of that process" (15-16), and
"sociological concepts and findings are constitutively involved in what modernity is" (16).
Provocatively, Giddens writes that this reflexive relation (which he sees only sociology as possessing)
is itself a characteristic of modernity: "In the social sciences, to the unsettled character of all
empirically based knowledge we have to add the 'subversion' which comes from the reentry of social
scientific discourse into the contexts it analyses. The reflection of which the social sciences are the
formalised version ... is quite fundamental to the reflexivity of modernity as a whole" (40).
Playing on the meanings of reflection, Giddens notes that this characteristic results in an
instability
of knowledge: "Modernity is constituted in and through reflexively applied knowledge, but the
equation of knowledge with certitude has turned out to be misconceived. We are abroad in a world
which is thoroughly constituted through reflexively applied knowledge, but where at the same time we
can never be sure that any given element of that knowledge will not be revised" as a result of further
reflection (39). Even though this fundamental uncertainty is characteristic of modern science (as will
be seen later), Giddens sees this as an opposition to modern science, writing that "in the heart of the
world of hard science, modernity floats free" (39). In this way, Giddens writes, "the social sciences
are
actually more deeply implicated in modernity than is natural science, since the chronic revision of
social practices in the light of knowledge about those practices is part of the very tissue of modern
institutions" (40). This occurs because of a lack of "insulation" between information available to the
student and to the subject of study (41), yet this lack is not exclusive to the conclusions of sociological
studies.
In Giddens, there are statements that exactly parallel the principles of modern physics, such as the
following: "the development of 'empty space' is linked above all to two sets of factors: those allowing
for the representation of space without reference to a privileged locale which forms a distinct vantage-
point; and those making possible the substitutability of different spatial units" (19). Taken out of
context, this could easily be a passage from a text on the theory of relativity. Elsewhere, he
paraphrases
a principle of the theory of quantum mechanics: "Knowledge claimed by expert observers (in some
part, and in many varying ways) rejoins its subject matter, thus (in principle, but also normally in
practice) altering it" (45). In quantum mechanics, making a measurement of the state of a system will
affect the results of future measurements, as if the system knows that it has been observed and knows
the results of its
observation.1
However, in the sentence immediately following, Giddens stubbornly insists that "there is no parallel
to
this process in the natural sciences; it is not at all the same as where, in the field of microphysics, the
intervention of an observer changes what is being studied."
I propose to maintain Giddens's analysis of the reflexivity of modernity but to abandon his
restriction
to sociology. Thus, in the statement cited above, it is not only sociological knowledge but all
formulated knowledge that "spirals in and out of the universe of social life, reconstructing both itself
and that universe as an integral part of that process" (15-16). Following the work of N. Katherine
Hayles in The Cosmic Web: Scientific Field Models and Literary Strategies in the Twentieth
Century (1984), this circulatory model can be extended to modern physics. Hayles and others
demonstrate some of the ways in which modern physics spirals out of the universe of social life of the
nineteenth century as part of the transition from Enlightenment machine-models of existence to
Romantic organism-models. In rereading Giddens, I have already demonstrated some of the ways in
which modern physics has spiralled back into social life by participating in the construction of the
conditions of modernity; Hayles demonstrates how modern physics also influences the development of
modernism, which can roughly be characterized as the literary response to modernity.
In her book, Hayles pursues the implications and influences of the field model developed first in
the
context of quantum mechanics and relativity, but part of a "revolution in world view" (15). This
model
implies "a reality that has no detachable parts, indeed no enduring, unchanging parts at all.
Composed
not of particles but of 'events,' it is in constant motion, rendered dynamic by interactions that are
simultaneously affecting each other.... Its distinguishing characteristics, then, are its fluid, dynamic
nature, the inclusion of the observer, the absence of detachable parts, and the mutuality of component
interactions" (15). Hayles writes that in contrast to a mechanical, Newtonian model of particles,
physicists "have suggested that it is more economical to think of the essential entity not as the
particle,
but as the underlying quantized field. In this view 'particles' are expressions of the field's
conformation
at a given instant, appearing as the field becomes concentrated at one point and disappearing as it
thins
out at another. Particles are not to be regarded as discrete entities, then, but rather (in Hermann
Weyl's
phrase) as 'energy knots'" (16).
P. M. Harman traces this transition from particle to field models in physics in the nineteenth
century;
it was by no means an immediate transition, for the mechanical view of the universe persisted in early
field models. In "Speculation touching electric conduction and the nature of matter" (1844), Faraday
presented a model in which "matter will be continuous throughout, and in considering a mass
of
it we have not to suppose a distinction between its atoms and any intervening space"; Harman writes
that in this model, "interactions between 'particles' of matter were envisaged as interactions between
'centres of force' or arrangements of powers diffused through space" (77). However, Faraday
maintained a distinction between matter, composed of these lines of force, and space, which was like
an
ether (78).
In "On physical lines of force" (1861-2), Maxwell presented a mechanical interpretation of these
lines of force. Harman writes, "In this paper he advanced from a discussion of the physical geometry
of
lines of force to a treatment of the electromagnetic field 'from a mechanical point of view'" (89).
Maxwell used geometrical interpretations to model the field as a mechanical apparatus; Harman
writes,
"He supposed that the magnetic field could be represented as a fluid filled with rotating vortex tubes,
their geometrical arrangement corresponding to the lines of force, and the angular velocities of the
vortices corresponding to the intensity of the field. He suggested a mechanical analogy to explain the
rotation of vortices about parallel axes in the same direction: that of a machine in which an 'idle
wheel'
was placed between two wheels..." (89). Maxwell's paper even includes a schematic illustration of a
honeycomb-like structure of these "idle wheels." Like Faraday, Maxwell distinguished between these
field-structures and the structure of the universe: "Maxwell was committed to the concept of absolute
space and regarded the field as being in space, rather than conceiving the curvature of the
lines
of force as defining the geometric structure of space" (97).
Boltzmann, too, was greatly attached to a mechanical model. Harman writes that in 1861,
"Boltzmann sought to describe a working mechanical model, explaining its structure and motion in
great detail. He argued that mechanical analogies possessed great heuristic value in clarifying the
meaning of Maxwell's theory of electricity" (151). Boltzmann advocated a mechanical model not only
in electrodynamics, but also in statistical physics. Harman writes that he "maintained his resolute
defense of the intelligibility of the mechanical view of nature ... By establishing the concepts of
entropy
and irreversibility by a statistical theory of mechanical motions [the H-theorem], he tried to interpret
the
second law of thermodynamics within the ontology of the mechanical view of nature" (152).
At first, statistical physics seemed to be less determinate than allowed for by a mechanical theory.
In "Molecules" (1873), Maxwell "distinguished the theory of gases, which was based on the
'statistical'
method of explanation, from a theory based on the 'dynamical' method, concerned with the motion of
individual particles of matter. He argued that the theory of gases could not be subjected to the
dynamical or 'historical' method .... Maxwell maintained that in the theory of gases the probability, or
moral certainty, of the regularity of averages replaced the 'absolute' certainty of the strict dynamical
method" (Harman, 131). However, in Elementary principles in statistical mechanics (1902),
Gibbs argued against this departure from the mechanical model by bringing statistical methods under
mechanical domain. Harman writes, "The elaboration of a 'statistical mechanics' of molecular
motions
brought thermodynamics within the conceptual framework of the mechanical view of nature, by
providing molecular analogues for thermodynamic concepts. Remarking the gap between the laws of
thermodynamics and their molecular analogues, Gibbs nevertheless affirmed that thermodynamics
could be interpreted within the ontology of the mechanical view of nature" (148).
From this evidence, it is clear that the tenacity of the mechanical view of the universe in physics
should not be underestimated. In the epilogue to his book, titled "The Decline of the Mechanical
World
View," Harman writes that it was not until quantum mechanics and relativity that this view was
totally
abandoned: "The quantum theory detached speculation about atomic structure from the constraints
imposed by the kinetic theory of gases; and the theory of 'relativity' ... dismissed the need for an ether
as
superfluous. These developments were shaped by the controversies of the 1890s about the programme
of mechanical explanation" (153). Even then, the transition was not a radically discontinuity;
Harman
writes that Einstein saw himself as unifying field and particle theory rather than advocating one over
the
other (153).
This move in physics away from mechanical world views, however difficult it may have been, was
concomitant with similar movements in other aspects of nineteenth century life. In "The Rise of
Modern Science and the Genesis of Romanticism" (1982), Hans Eichner identifies this movement as
the
characteristic force of Romanticism. He writes that the "more than six hundred books and articles"
trying to define Romanticism result in the identification of "the most significant features of the
Romantic period as the emphasis on symbol and myth in literature and the replacement of the
'mechanical philosophy' by an organic view of the cosmos" (8). He describes this as "a desperate
rearguard action against the spirit and the implications of modern
science2"
(8). His article traces the Romantics' resistance to the mechanical, particulized view and the
development of a living, organic, interconnected view.
Sociology, too, saw a movement from metaphors of machines to those of organisms. In The
Division of Labor in Society (1893), Durkheim outlined a movement from what he termed
mechanical solidarity of society to an organic solidarity. Mechanical solidarity was based on the
internalization of collective motives such that, if they were called upon, all members of a society
would
follow the same internal principles (61). Durkheim emphasizes the dependence on law and repression
of this solidarity (perhaps as classical particles are constrained internally by the laws of nature); there
exist "common states of consciousness" because they have been imprinted by law (64). Durkheim
writes, "We only use this term for it by analogy with the cohesion that links together the elements of
raw materials, in contrast to that which encompasses the unity of living organisms" (84). In the latter
form, organic solidarity, "the collective consciousness leaves uncovered [undetermined] a part of the
individual consciousness, so that there may be established in it those special functions that it cannot
regulate" (85). Because of the division of labor in modern society, each member of society is rendered
"an incomplete being" (334), dependent for meaning and existence on the rest of society. Again, this
metaphor recalls the idea of globality in locality of modern physics, or that of absence in presence of
Giddens's analysis (and of post-structuralism).
Hayles identifies this common movement from mechanical to organismic metaphors in the
nineteenth century
(16-17).3
She writes, "If we were to try to graph the relationship between these eras it would not be ... a straight
line from eighteenth-century rationalism to twentieth-century positivism with Romanticism as a
deviant
point, but a curve that, by including Romanticism, thereby proceeds in a radically altered direction"
(18-19). This statement manifests the idea recast from Giddens of knowledge cycling in and out of
social existence; the field theory of modern physics emerges along with similar movements in literary
and sociological environments, and it rejoins these environments in the movements of modernity and
modernism. One might read Hayles's analyses of literary texts as charts of an idea of knowledge and
meaning that moves from Romanticism to modernism by way of quantum mechanics. Just as Giddens
privileged a reflexive model of society in order to privilege sociological reflexivity, so Hayles
privileges a field model of society in order to privilege modern field theory. Thus the interaction
between disciplines described above can be explained by "a field notion of culture, a societal matrix"
in
which it is a general "climate [of opinion], rather than direct borrowing or transmission, that is the
underlying force guiding intellectual inquiry" (22). The field model allows for a nonlinear,
nondeterministic influence of ideas; the metaphor explains its own proliferation.
Hayles notes an important distinction between the modern field model and the Romantic organism
model, for "whereas the Romantics identified this dynamism [of the universe-organism as a whole]
with
a specifically living force, the modern period links it with a breakdown of universal
objectivity"
(17-18). This model produces two problems in attempts to narrate through language: the breakdown
of
cause and effect (19), for "every cause is simultaneously an effect, and every effect is also a cause"
(20); and the lack of exterior objectivity, for "what we see depends on where we stand" in the network,
and we will never see "the spot we are standing on" (20). Hayles's study examines this and other
problems in Pirsig, Lawrence, Nabakov, Borges, and Pynchon, and synopses of her analyses is given
on
pages 25-28.
In any given field, beginning with physics, we constantly encounter very large statistical, or otherwise unencompassable, configurations. We can only approach them partially, statistically, by way of approximations. But such classical economies operate only under certain conditions, locally, within the limits where one can and must operate classically; and in a general economy global situations are always local. General economy, thus, makes locality and globality enter into a continuous interplay, a kind of complementarity.... we have an irreducible - indeed infinite - degree of multiplicity even locally, at each point. For, in contrast to classical theories, quantum mechanics gives an infinite degree of freedom to a single particle at each point. (31)
III. Supplementation as Cultural Practice
Having demonstrated the effects of supplementation within the theory of modern physics, I now
turn
to the implications that this has for modern physics as cultural practice. Characterizing scientific
activity as "supplementation" is a far cry from the teleological quest for knowledge of the nineteenth
century; how does this difference manifest itself culturally in terms like progress and
legitimation?
First, some of the texts discussed earlier expressed images of supplementarity. Giddens writes that
the question posed by the conditions of modernity is "How can we justify a commitment to reason in
the
name of reason?" (49); justification is an exemplary form of supplementation, for that which seems to
need justification lacks the self-evidence by which a thing could be truly justified. Giddens adds,
"Modernity turns out to be enigmatic at its core, and there seems to be no way in which this enigma
can
be 'overcome.' We are left with questions where once there appeared to be answers, and I shall argue
subsequently that it is not only philosophers who realise this. A general awareness of the
phenomenon
filters into anxieties which press in on everyone" (49). The image of an insurmountable enigma
parallels the fundamental indeterminacy of the condition of complementarity; anxiety supplements
this
indeterminacy.
In a footnote in Hayles, she describes the work of Gerard t'Hooft toward a unified theory of the four
fundamental forces. Hayles notes that it depends on canceling of positive and negative infinities, and
on "ghost particles" that do not exist but make the calculations come out right (58-59). These are
images of excess. The calculations with infinity and infinite calculations recalls the freeplay of
supplementation described by Derrida. In "Différance," he writes "The concept of
play
keeps itself beyond this opposition, announcing, on the eve of philosophy and beyond it, the unity of
chance and necessity in calculations without end" (7). The image of infinite calculations can also be
found in the computational work of quantum physics, known as perturbation theory. Hayles alludes to
this in describing the possibility Bohr sees for progress in knowledge "by systematically examining
and
exploiting" the limitations of viewpoints (55). In A Modern Approach to Quantum
Mechanics,
John Townsend describes the necessity for perturbation theory: "Obtaining quantitative agreement
between theory and experiment in the real world has its ups and downs. The bad news is that there
aren't any interacting systems that have Hamiltonians for which we can determine the energy
eigenvalues and eigenstates exactly. The good news is that because a number of extremely important
physics systems are sufficiently close to ones that we can solve... we can treat the differences
as
perturbations and deal with them in a systematic way" (306). In this procedure, increasingly difficult
calculations come decreasingly closer to the "real" answer; the sheer magnitude (excess) of the
calculations serves to elide the unknowable that necessitates them. The calculation is a quest not for
understanding, but for a number.
Thomas Kuhn's The Structure of Scientific Revolutions depicts a narrative of scientific
knowledge-seeking that, like supplementation, is anti-teleological. Progress in science, he argues, is
carried out not by a single linear narrative, but by radical paradigm shifts. Scientific revolutions, then
are "the tradition-shattering complements to the tradition-bound activity of normal science" (6). He
writes, "the successive transition from one paradigm to another via revolution is the usual
developmental pattern of mature science"
(12).4
According to Kuhn, "normal" scientific activity is markedly unexciting: "Mopping-up operations are
what engage most scientists throughout their careers. They constitute what I am here calling normal
science" (24); "Perhaps the most striking feature of the normal research problems [...] is how little
they
aim to produce major novelties, conceptual or phenomenal. Sometimes, as in a wave-length
measurement, everything but the most esoteric detail of the result is known in advance ..." (35). This
image of "mopping-up" bears considerable similarity to the activity of supplementation, especially as
it
is bound up in the activity of textualization. In Laboratory Life: The Social Construction of
Scientific Facts, a sociological study of laboratory activity, Bruno Latour and Steve Woolgar write
that "Our initial visit to the laboratory established the central importance of literary inscription for
laboratory activity: the work of the laboratory can be understood in terms of the continual generation
of
a variety of documents, which are used to effect the transformation of statement types and so enhance
or
detract from their fact-like status" (151). Compare this with Derrida's description of production in "...
That Dangerous Supplement ...": "The concept of the supplement is a sort of blind spot in Rousseau's
text, the not-seen that opens and limits visibility. But the production, if it attempts to make the not-
seen
accessible to sight, does not leave the text.... what we call production is necessarily a text, the system
of
writing and of a reading which we know is ordered around its own blind spot. We know this a priori,
but only now and with a knowledge that is not a knowledge at all" (163-164).
In supplementation through textualization, the production of textbooks is an important activity.
Kuhn writes, "Unless he has personally experienced a revolution in his own lifetime, the historical
sense
either of the working scientist or of the lay reader of textbook literature extends only to the outcome of
the most recent revolutions in the field./ Textbooks thus begin by truncating the scientist's sense of
his
discipline's history and then proceed to supply a substitute [supplement] for what they have
eliminated"
(137). This recalls the reflexivity of Giddens's sociological activity: "authors who regard sociology as
the study of 'societies' have in mind the societies associated with modernity" (Giddens, 13). Kuhn
describes the institutionalization of this activity in the formation of future scientists: "Until the very
last
stages in the education of a scientist, textbooks are systematically substituted for the creative scientific
literature that made them possible" (165). This training is a conditioning to accept the unknowability
of
the "real," for "the route from stimulus to sensation is in part conditioned by education" (193), and
"we
have no direct access to what it is we know, no rules or generalizations with which to express this
knowledge. Rules which could supply that access would refer to stimulus not sensations, and stimuli
we can know only through elaborate theory" (196). Only by training do we mistake representation for
presence, do we forget the fundamental absence that necessitates endless re-presentation. "There is, I
think, no theory-independent way to reconstruct phrases like 'really there'; the notion of a match
between the ontology of a theory and its 'real' counterpart in nature now seems to me illusive in
principle" (206).
This process of narrativization recalls Jean-François Lyotard's The Postmodern
Condition: A Report on Knowledge
(1979)5,
in which these tactics of supplementation and legitimation take on a political significance. Lyotard
writes, "the question of knowledge is now more than ever a question of government" (9). For Lyotard,
"lamenting the 'loss of meaning' in postmodernity boils down to mourning the fact that knowledge is
no
longer principally narrative" (26). As in Kuhn, an linear evolutionary narrative must be abandoned,
for
"postmodern science - by concerning itself with such things as undecidables, the limits of precise
control, conflicts characterized by incomplete information, 'fracta,' catastrophes, and
pragmatic
paradoxes - is theorizing its own evolution as discontinuous, catastrophic, nonrectifiable, and
paradoxical. It is changing the meaning of the word knowledge, while expressing how such a
change can take place .... And it suggests a model of legitimacy that has nothing to do with
maximized
performance ..." (60).
Lyotard writes that the supplementation of unknowability has taken on a legitimating character:
"Today the problem of legitimation is no longer considered a failing of the language game of science.
It would be more accurate to say that it has itself been legitimated as a problem, that is, as a heuristic
driving force" (27). Legitimacy becomes associated with generating a need for further
supplementation: "Science is a model of an 'open system,' in which a statement becomes relevant if it
'generates ideas,' that is, if it generates other statements and other game rules" (64); "The only
legitimation that can make this kind of request [for further research, institution-building, etc.]
admissible is that it will generate ideas, in other words, new statements" (65). Echoing the Derridean
supplement in the next to last sentence of his book, Lyotard writes that this political activity cannot
exhaust its stakes, "for the stakes would be knowledge (or information, if you will), and the reserve of
knowledge - language's reserve of possible utterances - is inexhaustible" (67). Despite this
inaccessibility of the universe to science, we are coerced by these forms of legitimation and
supplementation to accept Freud's statement at the end of The Future of an Illusion (1927)
that
"our science is no illusion. But an illusion it would be to suppose that what science cannot give us we
can get elsewhere" (71).
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"Différance" in Margins of Philosophy (1972), tr. Alan Bass. The University of Chicago Press, Chicago: 1982.
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Eichner, Hans. "The Rise of Modern Science and the Genesis of Romanticism." PMLA, 97:1 (January 1982), 8-30.
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Giddens, Anthony. The Consequences of Modernity. Stanford University Press, Stanford: 1990.
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Harman, P. M. Energy, Force, and Matter: The Conceptual Development of Nineteenth-Century Physics. Cambridge University Press, Cambridge: 1982.
Hayles, N. Katherine. The Cosmic Web: Scientific Field Models and Literary Strategies in the Twentieth Century. Cornell University Press, Ithaca: 1984.
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Plotnitsky, Arkady. Complementarity: Anti-Epistemology after Bohr and Derrida. Duke University Press, Durham: 1994.
Townsend, John S. A Modern Approach to Quantum Mechanics. McGraw-Hill, New York: 1992.